Upward-Oriented Complementizer Agreement With Subjects And Objects In Kipsigis
| dc.contributor.author | Diercks, Micheal | |
| dc.contributor.author | Rao, Meghana | |
| dc.date.accessioned | 2024-03-19T09:48:32Z | |
| dc.date.available | 2024-03-19T09:48:32Z | |
| dc.date.issued | 2019-08-13 | |
| dc.description.abstract | In Kipsigis (Nilotic, Kenya), declarative-embedding complementizers can agree with both main-clause subjects (Subj-CA) and main-clause objects (Obj-CA). Subj-CA agrees with the closest super-ordinate subject (even in the context of intervening objects), cannot agree with non-subjects or embedded subjects, and yields an interpretation where the embedded clause is the main point of the utterance. Obj-CA can only target main-clause objects and can only occur on a complementizer already bearing Subj-CA; Obj-CA contributes a verum focus reading to the clause. The paper briefly considers the analytical implications of these patterns. | |
| dc.identifier.doi | https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3367166 | |
| dc.identifier.uri | https://africarxiv.ubuntunet.net/handle/1/954 | |
| dc.identifier.uri | https://doi.org/10.60763/africarxiv/907 | |
| dc.identifier.uri | https://doi.org/10.60763/africarxiv/907 | |
| dc.identifier.uri | https://doi.org/10.60763/africarxiv/907 | |
| dc.subject | Kipsigis | |
| dc.subject | objects | |
| dc.subject | complementizer agreement | |
| dc.subject | embedded clause | |
| dc.title | Upward-Oriented Complementizer Agreement With Subjects And Objects In Kipsigis |